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Class. 
Book_ 



. SPEECH 



■J 



Mr. holmes, of Maine, 

Delivered in the Senate of the United States^ 

ON THE 

\^ i^f^^foif to )9a(na(ma(* 

March, 1826. 



THE following Resolution, reported by the Commit- 
tee of Foreign Relations, being under consideration, viz: 

" Resolved, That it is not expedient, at this time, for the 
United States to send any Ministers to the Congress of the 
American Nations assembled at Panama" — 

Mr. HOLMES, of Maine, addresssed the Senate as 
follows : 

Mr. Pbesident : I never rose on any question, with 
my mind in greater embarrassment, uncertainty, and 
doubt than on this — and I am very far from imagining 
that I shall edity, much less convince, any member of the 
Senate: for 

" He that's convinced against his will. 

Is of the same opinion still." 
But I rise rather to make to you a very humiliating and 
mortifying confession. It is this — that, though this ques- 
tion has been more than two months before us — though 
it haft undoi7^o»o »i. claburate investigation, and been 
prest^nted to us in a very able report of the Committee 
on Foreign Relations— though the message and docu- 
meats have been fully examined, and we have had a dis- 
cussion here whicti, tor arguirsent and eloquence, would 
have done honor to any Country, in any age — yet I am 
still, in a measure, ignorant of the subject. It is not pre- 
tended, sir, that I don't know that the President has 
nominated two gentlemen to be Ministers, or somethine" 
I 



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else, to a Congress, or something else, to be held at the 
Isthmus of Darien — that those nominations have beeii 
referred to a committee, who have reported a resolution, 
that it i s inexpedient to confirm them, and that this reso- 
lution is now under consideration. Were I not to know 
this I should be stupid indeed. But of the nature, cha- 
racter, or extent of the mission, and the powers and du- 
ties of the deputies to be sent, I am as utterly in the 
dark as was JVichodenma when he was told that, '* except 
a man be born again he cannot see the kingdom of 
God." But, sir, there is even some consolation in this 
state of uncertainty. I have fewer of those alarming 
fears or ardent hopes which appear to agitate others. 
Not knowing the nature or the extent of the object, I 
cannot foresee its consequences — and I could safely re- 
pose on the maxim, " if one cannot clearly see where to 
go, nor what to do, it is best to stand still and do no- 
thing " And there is a further consolation, in finding 
that I am not alone in this state of comfortable uncer- 
tainty, but in very good company. 

Two gentlemen, of transcendent talents, and great po. 
litical experience, have advocated the measure. Wish- 
ing for light, I listened to them with intense interest ; 
but i.o my utter disappointment, they, so far from defin- 
ing the character and objects of this Congress, disagreed 
as to both. With one it was not belligerent, because it 
was seeking peace by arms and managing a defensive war. 
With the other, it has no power to touch the political 
condition of Cuba — the principal subject in which we 
can have any interest. And yet this gentleman would 
send Ministers to prevent their doing, whnt, he says, 
they have no power to do ; just as the President would 
send them to prevent the Spanish American Nations 
from conceding to Spain any commercial privileges, as 
the price of their independence, when, by their treaties 
before us, they have jointly, and severally, and solemnly 
stipulated that they will make no such concessions. 

The President, indeed, seems to be involvrd in the 
same uncertainty. Whpn thp invitation was first given* 
he, with that wisdom and prudence for which he h«a 
been so much celebrated, required, as a preliminary, 
that "the precise questions" to be discussed, "the pow- 
ers of the deputies," the ** organization of the Congress," 
and the effect of its decisions, should be first understood. 
These conditions, so indispensable, are however, yield- 
ed, and Mr. Clay, in his letter to Mr. Salazar of the 30lh 
Novenaber last, although he thinks "it would have been 
perhaps better if there had been a full understanding 



// 



3-^ ail 



between all tlie American PoJvers who may assemble 
by theh- representatives, ofihe precise questions on which 
they are to deliberate, and that some other matters re- 
specting the powers of the deputies and the organization of 
the Congress, should have been distinctly arranged 
prior to the opening of its deliberations;" yet, " as the 
want <jf the adjustment of these preliminaries, if it would 
occasion any inconvenience, could only be productive 
oi delay," tells us that "the President has determined" 
Vo accept the invitation. It is worthy of remark, that the 
questions to be discussed, the powers of the deputies, and 
the organization (>f the Congress are considered only as 
" preliminary points." Now, if the subject, the authori- 
ty to act on it, and the manner and effect of the ac 
tion, are nothing but preliminary, pray what are the 
main or principal points? It would seem to me, sir, 
that these embraced the whole matter. Without these, 
the instructions to our Ministers must be given from 
conjecture, and after they shall arrive, if these should not 
contorm to those of the deputies assembled, it will "be 
only productive of delay" — a delay until they can send 
home for new instructions. Thus will our hurry, as is 
usually the case, produce nothing but delay and embar- 
rassment. 

In this state of uncertaintj', it was not very unresona 
ble that the Senate should require a little more light, 
before they acted definitively on a measure new and exr 
traordinary, which might affect materially, our foreign 
relations,and change rudically our whole course of policy. 

For myself, I was particularly desirous that something 
should be said to dissipate these clouds. All my predi- 
lections were in favor of the proposed mission. The 
Spanish Americans had my early sympathies, and they 
still have them. In every thing which might promote 
their independence, they have not only had my sympa- 
thies, but my vote. I would do every thing for their in- 
terest consistent with our maxims of policy, settled and 
established in great wisdom. This was, moreover, a 
measure proposed by a new administration, " to be tried 
by its atis," ana I tvit no disposition to embarrass it. — 
The President, though not the candidate which I pre- 
ferred, was e ected in the mode prescribed by the consti- 
tution. Of my preferrence for another gentleman I shall 
always be proud. That gentleman stood without allies— 
the alliances were all against him — he had to contend 
with "principalities and powers" — he failed, and is in re- 
tirement. 



Mr. Adams is elected, the coalition is dissolved, and I 
cannot, with any cordi;Jity, unite myself to 2i\\y fragment 
of that coalition against the administration. And I had 
made the determination, lonpf before 1 had heard that of 
the dislinpuished individual to whom 1 have referred, 
to — ** try the administration by its acts" — to approve 
where 1 cmld, but disapprove where I must : but while 
I accord due resp^^ct and coiififlence to the Chief Magis- 
trate of the Union, I must not forgot the duty, nor sur- 
render the independence, of a Senator. 

In this state of feeling, I was, on this question, a fair 
candidate for conversion, and it was not unreasonable to 
expect thiit the friends of this mission should give us 
their arguments in support of it. I know their talents, 
I have experienced and felt their powers, and I had a 
right to expect that a measure, so enveloped, should be 
made plain. I felt grateful, therefore, audi now tender 
my sincerest thanks to the gentleman from Khode Island, 
(Mr. RoDBiNS,) and the gentleman from Louisiana, (Mr. 
Johnston,) for the attempt ihey have made; still it is but 
an attempt. It stems now, that, as to the powers and 
duties of this Congress, these gentlemen neither agree 
with the treaties which establish it, the President, the 
Ministers of those powers, nor with each other. 

The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Mills.) 
when he insinuated, (somewhat tardy,) that I was at- 
tempting to instract or chstechise him, d d me great in- 
jus'ice From iiim, being a member of the rommittee 
who r'issented from the report, I was asW/j^g- instruction. 
Ni), sir, I shall never again attempt t j instruct him. 
Once, when we were members of another Senate, I did 
attempt to inculcate on his mind some wdolesome truths, 
but *bund him inveterately obstinate and incorrigible. I 
beheve he has since become impressed v/ith the impor- 
tance ofthose principles, and is now in a hopeful way. 
But I was |;robably wrong in insisting that gentlemen 
should speak to us. It was not for the want of tah^nts : 
fof theirs are of the highest order; it was not tiiat 
they wished for no converts : for their strength of 
numbers, if ascertained, is not very great; it wss 
not from fear that Executive smiles, by being more diffu- 
sed, would become less .ntense — the fault was not in 
them, bill in their cause. They had the best reasoH in 
the wovld for not advocating a measure which ever, their 
powers couM iiot sustain, and diey refused to spea'v be- 
cause they had nothiiig to say. Trom lhe«e ren^arks, I, 
of course, xempt ' he two g itiemen who have sup '.jrt- 
ed the measure, and presume that they have said all 



which can be said. We, the uninspired, must, there- 
fore, amidst these doubts and discrepancies, examine 
into this matter for ourselves, and see to what result 
we can come. 

The proposition is to send deputies of some character 
to a Congress «t Panama. The questions I shall put, and 
in which 1 hare, in substance, been preceded by the 
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Hatne) are these : 
What is this Congress ? What are its objects and pow 
ers ? Have we any coincident objects and powers 
which render a mission necessary and proper ? In these 
questions is involved the wboie mquiry ; they embrace 
the whole subject, and yet they have been deemed but 
" preliminary points." 

Instead o^ recurring to the opinion of the President, 
or of the Spanish American Ministers, it is safest to go 
to the foundation, the constitution of this Congress^ 
Whatever we might suppose, or their Ministers might 
imagine, it is very certain that the depusies there must 
be limited in the exercise of their powers to the com- 
pacts which gave birth to the Congress. We have be- 
fore us four treaties, in ail which t^he Republic of Co- 
lumbia is a par y : one of the 6th July, 1822, with Peru ; 
one of the 12h July, 1823, with Chili; another of the 
15ih March lastj with Guatemala ; and the other of 20lh 
September following, with Mexico. They are termed 
" compacts of perpetual union, league, and confedera- 
tion." In some respects they differ from each other. 
In that with Peru, th. quota ir contingent oi troops for- 
mutua' defence is stipulated, and they are to *• maintain 
in common the cause of mdependence." In one, they 
At*- to *• i 'eniify .heir principles in peace and in war ;'* 
and in another, heir agreement is against "whatever 
may menace the security of their independence and li- 
te ty, affect their interests, and distU'D their peace ;" 
Aid hey unite in whatever will "assure the niutual 
prosperity, harn;ony, and good intelligence" with esch 
other ; and ihere is in some, a provision in regard to 
boundaries. Excepting tisese 'liscrepancies, thev con= 
cur. Their coiopacts are perpetual — they are ofFei sive 
anddefetsive ; each may repei a • invasion of the otherj 
observing the laws of the invaded territory ; insurrec« 
tionsareto be mu ually suppressed ; privil ges and im- 
munities of commerce an citizenship are to be equal, 
and state sovereignty ;s secured ; indc;mnity to Spain,, 
as the price of mdc-pendence, and a separat \^e&ze, arp 
prohibited, and the conted r>«tion is limited to tUe' 
American na-ions "formerly Spanish." 



6 

To secure these objects, a Congress is instituted, to 
consist of two depuii's from each of the pirties, with 
certain ileleg'a'ed and defined powers ; to ordain and 
esiablish tiie proportion or conting'ent to be furnished 
for the common defence ; to be a council on great occa- 
sions or i'^ great conflicts ; to form a rallying point in 
case of danger; to be an interpreter of treaiies; 
to act as umpires in case of disputes ; and to 
es'ablish intimate re'ations between the parties. Now, 
sir, whether these grants confer legislative, executive, 
judicial, or diplomatic powers, any, or all, it is certain 
th.it this Congrr-ss is made as perpetual as any govern- 
ment can he made. Its model is our Articles of Confed- 
eration of 1778; and the sliglitest comparison will con- 
vince any one that his was the identical instrument 
from which tliis Congress was constituted. They have, 
as near as possible, taken the -words. Theirs are com- 
pacts " of perpetual union, league, and confederation," 
ours, "articles of confederation and perpetual union ;" 
but, by recurring to the third rtlcle, you will see ours 
are call, d "a firm league of friendship" — each, then, is 
perpetunl, both secure state sovereignty, provide equal 
privileges and immunities of commerce and citizenship, 
fix the quota or contingent for the common defence, are 
oFensivi and defensive, umpires in case of differences, 
pro' ibi a separate peace, and establish the rule by which 
new parties are to be admitted into the league. 

But, sir, there are two important points in which they| 
differ: our confederation is by articles, theirs by compact, \ 
By ours, the power is expressly delegated to appoint 
and receive ambassadors and other public ministers ; by | 
thfirs, it is as expressly withheld. 

If it be, indeed, as the gentleman from Rhode Island 
|Mr. RoBBiNs) contends, a diplomatic tribunal, it is pre- 
sented in a serious, if not an alarming aspect. From ihe 
nature and character of the powers granted, ih>- d.;: ies 
4o be performed will never terminate. It m perpetual. 
This point has not been controverted, and argument 
would b thrown away to prove it. I' ivordi can convey 
to the human mind an idea of perpetuity — if a perpetual 
cost, d ration can be created by terms— a ' compact of 
pcr|)' tual union, league and confedcrtion" are the best 
and strongest which can be selected or invented. In 
this view of it, we may perceive why the Spanish Am r- 
icans have crea'.ed it by treaty. We, at the formation of 
•ur confederation, being simple Republics, having all 
the powers of sov; reijjnt- , could grant a portion of 
•ur «ov«reignty by articke pf cpnfcderation ; but the 



f 

parties to this confederation are, themselves, confeder- 
ated Republics, vviUi limited powers. Vlexico, tiv ex- 
ample, at the time of the adoption of her Constkutim, 
con^^isted of fife n states. She took for her model ouc 
Ftideral Constitutim.of which her's is nearly a transcript. 
Ill some things, lo be sure, she has deviated for the 
worse, as in an estabhsh d church; in others, for the bet- 
ter, as ill guarding against consolidation, by providing 
that the F -d-ral Judges should be nominate d by the 
States; bu' thr treaty makins power is the same as our 
own, and, like ours, is undefined 

The Pr; s dent, with me advice and consent of the 
Senat.^, two-thirds concurring.can make treaties, which, 
when madt, become the supreme law of the land. The 
United St tes of Mexico could cede no sovereignty, 
but by virtue of the treaty-making power, and, conse- 
quently, this Congress could be created only by com- 
pact. If then it is only by this, that the power of 
diplomacy can be surrendered to a foreign tribunal, we 
may well pause and inquire to what objects the treaty. 
making power extends. Not being defined by the Con- 
stitution, the reasonable inference is, that it extends to 
all the ordinal y subjects of negotiutioo. If this be so, 
you may, by treaty, obtain and c?j5/)ose of territory and 
population — transfer protection and allegiance — change 
the 1 >w of contract in a State — barter aw ay its territory, 
and, unless you have violated the Constitution, tliis very 
session, not only change State laws but repeal them. 
If, then, this pow r be so transcendant, is it p udeni to 
confide it, if you can, to a f^^reign tribunal, in witich 
your voice will be nol more than one to six, or perhaps 
one to ten ? 

It is but poor consolation to be answered, that nothing 
definitive can be done there, and treaties made cannot 
become the supreme law of the land, unt 1 ratified by 
the President and Senate. How many questions may 
be determined by negotiatiort which the House of Re- 
presentatives can never reach? — where no appropria- 
tion is necessary ? Find a nation whose views of legis- 
lation are coincident with yours, and almost every muni- 
cipal la,v, whether federal or local, may be modified by 
the President and Senate, in spite of Congress or the 
State Governments. The laws of devises, primogeni- 
ture, eiitailmt-nts, &c. may be established by treaty, 
made by the Executive power, which are to be the su- 
preme law of the land, and to ride over and trample 
down all laws of Congress, and of the States. 



To become parties to a treat j'-making, or treaty-orig4» 
nating Congress, of unlimited duration, is a new and 
extraordinary step. It becomes more dangerous from 
our practice under tlie Const tution, which, in my view, 
is a perverlion of its spirit. The President, with the ad- 
vice and consent of two-thirds of the "^enate, is to make 
treaties. The power nf making is taken away, and 
nothing but that of ratifying is left to the Senate — A 
new power, unknown to the Constitution, is sprung up, 
termed a " Cabinet" — instructions to ministers, the 
first step of negotiation, are never submitted to us— 
these are discussed and agreed on in *' the Cabinet," 
and, with these, and probably with the project or draft 
of a treaty, the minister is despatched to make "supreme 
laws of the land," which it is extremely embarrassing 
and invidious *br the Senate to reject. If it be true, as 
the gentleman from Rhode Island has told us, that this 
is a diplomatic Congress, and is of perpetual duration^ 
it is alarming indeed. 

But I hope and trust the case is not quite so bad as 
he makes it. It seems to me that no power of di>>IO' 
macy can be exercised —no such power is granted— 
"National sovereignty" is reserved and is not to be in- 
terrupted " with respect to their relations with other 
foreign nations*" and making treaties is specially re- 
served to such power by its Constitution. And it i^ 
moreover, inconsistent with every principle of free go- 
vernment, that the makers of treaties should be the ex- 
pounders or "interpreters" — that legislai ures should in- 
terpret the laws which they shall have enacted. The 
powers granted are, therefore, of another order, ani 
they are legislative, executive, and judicial. In the 
exercise of any of these can we, or ought we, to parti- 
cipate ? As ministers, they have no power to receive 
our delegates — as ministers, you have no power to send 
them. An ambassador, or public minister, carries your 
sovf reigiuy with him. He is your representative near 
the government to which ho is sent, and is under the 
proiec ion of that Goveriiment, and to be p'otecied 
according to your own laws Her yi-.u send him to 
no Govt rument authorzed o receive him, or having 
the power to rottct him. B sidrs, the powers grant- 
ed to that <Jo'g! e«s are to be exercised exr'u-'vely by 
the American nations " formerly," or «• cidcvont Spa- 
Dish " To ad'ijit us to vote, or even deliiei ate, would 
be as much a violation of the compact or Constitution, 
as f «r OS to have admitted the Dutch or French niiin»- 
ter to t&ke a part la the deliberations of Congress, un- 



der our confederation. Neither can they be permitted 
to hear the discussions. From 'he nature of the powers 
granti^d, this Congress must be an organized body, go- 
verned by a presi'iing' officer, and su'ljecied to rides, 
Man- of their deUherations must be of a belli, re^'ent 
character, and therefore secret. They must have the 
authority, and it would often become their dut>, to im- 
pose secrecy, evin by oaih. Now can your members 
take such an oath? Suppcse (a case most likely to oc- 
cur,) ai/ invasion of Cuba should be there discuss^^d-^ 
this measure your minis' ers must oppose. Could they, 
without a violation of duty to their own Go' emment, 
give an obligation of secrecy, and cotdd they be ad it- 
ted without that obligation? Your Ministers Ptoi«po- 
tentiary, then, are to be nothing but lookers an, or 
listeners, and in that in which your interest is most, con- 
cerned, cannot be perm tted to act in those characters. 
If the United States intend seriously to oppose an in- 
vasion of Cuba, they ought long since to have made 
knovm their deti-rmination, fuily and definitely, to the 
Spanish American min sters here. 

But we will suppose these obstacles surmounted, and 
your deputies admitted in full communion. We are 
then first to discuss the cont ngent to be provide'd by 
each for the common defence. On this subject, Mr. 
Obregon is very explicit. We are to fa\&\ ouv pledges 
against European colonization, and interference of any 
of the Powers of Europe, except Spain, against the in- 
dependence of the Spanish Americans. This subject 
of colonization, wh ch seems to be so involved in myste- 
ry that no mortal can clearly perceive its meaning, has 
been so well disposed of by other gentlemen,- that it 
would be indeed fruitless to bestow on it any further ob- 
servations. The other pledge is more explicit. But, 
sir, as to pledges, allow me ti. say, once for all, that the 
President of these United States has no power what:-.ver 
to pledge the People of this Union to any nation in any 
thing. And every declar;ition of his,made to the world, 
must be understood by otlier nations, not as a pledge of 
what we musz Co, bui as an opinion of what we -will <io. 
Until Congress concur, or asbent to a measure aft'cting 
our foreign relations, nothing is binding. Still, the 
Mexican minister understands it differently, and inti- 
mates that, to fulfil the obligation, there must be "a 
previous concert as to the mode in which each shall 
lend its co-operation." And Mr. Salazar recommends 
"an eventual alliance,' to be k-pt secret until the c«sMff 
fcederis occurs. If these ministers are correct, we are 



16 

already entangled, and, whether, by "our own means,'* 
or by *' pr-^vious concert" with them, we are bound to 
fulfil stipulations made by the late administration: and 
however we might, at this time, deny the force of the 
late President's pledge, still, if we give our assent to 
this mission, for the purposes thus avowed, we are ever 
after foreclosed. One of the "precise questions" disclos- 
ed, then, is the means to be furnished by the United 
States, to prevent European colonization, or interference 
in American affairs, and the manner of furnishing the 
means, whet'^e^ by secret treaty, or otherwise. Yet the 
Executive informs us that we are " not to deliberate on 
any thing of a belligerent character, contract alliances, 
nor undertake with them anything hostile to other na- 
tions." Now, these things are not to be done, and yet, 
if we accept the invitation to this Congress, we are 
bound to concur in the avowed objects. How will gen- 
tlemen reconcile these conflicting opinions? 

The next grant of power is that of a council, on great 
occasions, or, as in 0':e of the treaties, "in great con- 
flicts." The parties to these compacts are at war with 
Spain and they are to counsel and concert with each other 
the means to terminate successfully this "conflic ." Yet 
the gentleman from Louisiana maintains,that this is not a 
belligerent Congress ; and for reasons which are to me 
somewhat singular and extraordinary. He advances 
some principles of international law, which, to say the 
least, are novel. The objects are defensive and to obtain 
peace, and therefore the purposes are not beUigerent ! 
Upon these hypotheses, few nations have ever been bel- 
lig rent : for scarcely one can be found, that will ac- 
knowlrdge itself the aggressor. Each is fighting in de- 
fence of its rights, and the professed object of every one 
is peace. And, although thousands, nay, millions, have 
betn slain in battle, there was no war ; this was only a 
very peaceable kind of killing Does the President 
mean the same when he savs, tiiat "we art-, not to de- 
liberate on any thing of a belligerent character?" If he 
does, his views may be easily reconciled with those of 
the Spanish American mini-ters. if, tKcpcforc, owr minis- 
ters are to discuss any question relating to the colomaa.- 
tion or interference of any European power on this con- 
tinent — if we are to settle there the mode in which they 
are to be resisted, or to deliberate as to the contiigent 
to be furnished.and the manner of the resistance- if, in- 
deed, we take any course in regard to Cuba and Porto 
Rico, our attitude must be ho-tile, and our neutrality is 
Violated. " A council in great conflicts," is,emphaticaUv, 



u 

a belligerent council. Yet the g-entleman from Louis!-' 
ana consoles hitnielf, that our neutrality will not be vio- 
lated, if we dissuade them from invading these Spanish 
Islands. S r, upon this point I shall have something to 
say, in another branch of my argument. 

But the greatest lure to us, is the thought of partici- 
pating in " A COUNCIL ON GKLAT OCCASIONS'." You kno«r, 
sir, that Republics are never am' itious — hey are al- 
ways humble, forbearing, unassuming — their leading po- 
liticians are always as meek as Moses. Yet It seems, ia 
this case, we are fascinated and inflated with this "great 
occasion." My life for it, this is no scheme of the Presi- 
dent — he is a cool, deliberate, calculating, penetrating, 
discrimmating, reasoning, sort of politician. It is a toy, 
yielded to the importunity of the Secretary of State. 
The President has no strong partialities for the Spanish 
Americans — Mr. Clay wanted a play thing, and the 
President, probably with reluctance, consented so far 
to gratify him,as to present the proposition to the Senate, 
hoping no doubt that we would reject it. Sir, who has 
been the leader of this crusade, in favor of Spanish Ame- 
rican liberty ? Who, more than seven years ago, became 
their chief advocate, in the House of Representatives? 
Whose speeches have been tran-'lated and retranslated, 
and circulated throughout their vast dominions ? Who 
has been toasted as the champion, and canonized as the 
saint? Who, in fine, is to reap the reward ? The Secre- 
tary well knows, that public opinion has already made 
him t!ieir grand advocate and intercessor, and he will 
so manage it that, if there is to be any glory, it is to 
be his inheritance — if any di-grace, it is to bi entailed 
on the President. No, sir, this is the magnificent scheme 
of the favorite — the genius, t le master spirit of the West. 
1 intend notJiing invidious t > my friends here, from that 
interesting section of the Unio:i. I respect them much, I 
admire their frankness, intelligence, and liberality; and 
even their extravaganoe has its apology. Taey occupy 
a vast, interesting country— they have aspiring fortsts, 
majestic rivers, sublime mouutiilns. They look upon 
the scene, and contemplate the prospect btfort; them; 
and the mind is enlarged, expanded, elevated, sublimat' 
ed. But this scheme of the secretary, in point of ex- 
travagance, transcends all imagination. Ail the nations 
of this vast continent are to be arrayed. Buenos Ayres, 
the Banda Oriental, <Jhili, and t'eru, are to fuirn the 
right ; Colombia, Guatemala, and Mexico, the centre ; 
the United States the left, and Mame the exlr me left. 
The little empire of Brazil,and the hordes of Canada and 



12 

Nova Scotia, are probably to be disposed of; and then 
we can present one undivided front to Europe and Afri- 
ca, and another to Asia and the Isles of India. And the 
conception and contemplation of this mighty achieve- 
ment, posterity is to ascribe to the marchless spirit of 
the West ! 

But, the next power granted to this Congress, and in • 
which we are to participate, is this : It is to be ». rallying 
point \n danger. The United States, in case of danger, 
are to fix their rallying point at the Isthmus of Darien ! 
Sir, I would as soon fix it in Symmes' canity. When we 
shall be in danger, our rallying point must be at home. 
I do not mean in Fortress Monroe, or in any otbii of 
your useless and extravagant fortifications. You have 
already twice as many as you can ever ma , by any dis- 
posable force you can ever have in any war in whicli you 
will ever be engaged ; and the one half is consequently 
to be occupied by your enemy. This is very magnani- 
mous Your enemy will be able to stiike you with efl'ect 
on the ocean, and you give him an equal chance with 
you on the land — thereby converting a religious precept 
into a political maxim : " If thine enemy smiti- thee on 
thy rigiit checii, tarn to him the other also." No, sir, 
I dnn't mean these — I mean the Congress of the United 
States; if you are wise and prudent — the State Govern- 
in r nts, if any shall remain — every man's fireside will be 
his rallying point. Aiid who, in case of danger, will rally 
round thest , and how can you induce them to rally ? It 
is by nut attempting too much. Do as little as possible 
for the People, and leave them as much as you can to 
do for thems Ives. Engage in no wild and extravagant 
schemes and speculation^,to pick their pock-^ts, and "eat 
out their substance.'' Stay at home, and mind your own 
affairs. " Peaf.e, commecc, and honest friendship, vath 
all nations, fntangling alliances with none" — preserve 
the Constitution in its puri y - keep a vigdant eye, that 
no encroachments are made on your State Governments 
— build no mjre fortifications than you can effectually 
man — increase your n.v- jasteo fast, and no faster than 
that every addiiioiial ship shall not only be a nominal, 
but a real addition to your strength— give your mn;Tla 
arms and instruction too — practice economy, not talk 
about it, h\x\. practice it — pay your debt — relieve your 
People fr im all unnecessary burdens— and then, incase 
of danger, you will find strong arms, stout hearts, and 
high, disinterested, ind. pendent, and patriotic minds, 
which will rally under *' your star-spangled banner," 
wherever it ought to float, and you may defy a world in 
arms. 



13 

I'he next substantive power of this Congress in which 
we are to be reoresented, is judicial — the interpretation 
of treaties. I know it has become unfiishionable to re- 
cur to this little book — its use is nearly exploded — yet, 
I am unwilling to surrender it entirely; 1 would nourish 
it as a sick friend, and not bury it until it should be sure- 
ly dead; and, when it must be consi^jned to the tomb, 
I would cherish its remembrance, and clinp^ to. its pre- 
cepts. One of these precepts is, that treaties made un- 
der its (legitimate) authority, are the supreme laws of 
the land; and another, that the judicial power extends 
to all cases arising under such treaties. Now, Sir, though 
I would regard the exercise of our own judicial power 
with a vigilant, and ever j alous eye, I would not trans- 
fer it, if I could, to any Spaniard on earth — even to the 
Washington of the Southern hemis[)bere. 

An umpirage, in case of disputes, is of the same judi- 
cial character, and subject to the same objections. 
'• Suffi, ient unto the day is the evil thereof." You have 
no disputes to settle with these nations, which cannot be 
adjusted by ordinary negotiations. The adjustment of 
your boundar}' with Mexico was provided for in your 
treaty with Spain, before the Mexican Revolution; the 
obligations of that treaty falls upon the new State; no im- 
pediment has been thrown in the wa)'; and it is under- 
stood that this point is settled. Nations, not parties, will 
never submit to the decisions of this Congress, and 
ques ions between the parties will be determined in a 
Congress, where tlios^* whos? views and feelings wilt be 
coincident, -dvejive, and. perhaps, will be, ten to one 
against you. Such a tribunal I would never CFeate — to 
its decisions, I would never submit. 

Whether, to esabiish intimate relations between the 
parties, is a distinct grant of power, or merely the pur- 
pose, or reason of the gr .nts, is not certnin. It may be 
nothing more than was intendi'd in our Constitution, by 
providing '* for the general welfare." For the purpose 
of doing this our Congrf ss was to exercise certain pow- 
ers, and for the purpose of establishing " intimate 
relations," this longress ts to exercise ti^os:- specifically 
defined. In the treaty between Colombia and Guatema= 
la, th's 3 the expression — "for the purpose of establish- 
ing, on a more solid basis, the intimate relations which 
exist between them all, indivld 'ally, and collectively;" a 
general Congress was to be assembled, &c. to exercise ' 
the powers delegated, and no others. 

If, in the examination into the nature and character of 
-his Congress, and the extent of its powers as granted by 



14 

these compacts, I do not much mistake, we necessarllv 
coineto the following results: It is perpe ualj and it is 
expressly prohibited to receive a«d accredit our Minis- 
ters It has no power of diplomacy or negotiation; or, 
if it hiis, it would be a departure from our establshed 
pohcy, a pervt-rsion of the Constitution, and a dan- 
gerous innovation of legislation, to confer, on a foreign 
permanent tribunal, even the power to originate trea- 
ties. It is ess iiliHlly belligerent; legislative, in provid- 
ing means to annoy its enemies, 3.nd Judicial, in deter- 
mining international differences, and seitling interna- 
tional law as inte'preters of treaties; and, by its* insti- 
tution, it is limited to " the American nations formerly 
Spanish." As. therefore, we could send no Ministers to 
such a Congress, or could authoriz" them to do no indivi. 
dual act.consistent with our lieutrality; and they could not 
be permitted to participate m any tiling consistent with 
the consi tutional compacts which establish this Con- 
gress, it seems to me the height of atisurdity to ap- 
point Ministers Plenipotentiary. If we have any inter- 
est at all in the result of their deliberations, it would 
have been better served by an agent, appointed by the 
President to ascertain tlieir objects, attend to the pro- 
gress of their proceedings, and communicate the infor- 
mation to our Government. 

Here I might stop, had not the President, in his mes- 
sage, and the Spanish American Ministers, in their cor- 
• respondence with us, pointed out other objects, not em- 
braced within the limits of their constitutional com- 
pacts. As it appears to be the opinion of each, that ob- 
jects, other than those confided to this Congrtss by 
these compacts, may be matters of consideration and de- 
cision, it is proper to examine them. The President, 
in iiis Message, is of opinion that we may aid the ii by 
our experience, and instruct them in principles ot reli- 
gious freedom ; and the gentleman from Louisiana, 
speaks of the moral effect to be produced, and the dig- 
nity to be conferred. Thus, we are to depute Mr. Ser- 
geant and Mr. Anderson, in the double capacity of min- 
istc rs and missionaries. Whether they ape to have dou- 
ble outfits and salaries, we are not yet informed. In- 
deed, Sir, 1 apprehend, from recent disclosures, they 
will think less of our "experience" than they have 
done, if not of our sincerity; and if we would send min- 
isters at all, it should be to relieve us from the thraldom 
in regard to the mediation of Russia. When the do- 
cuments communicated were in r> ading, and I perceiv- 
ed from the letters of Mr. Middleton and air. Clay ttat 



15 

J'le Emperor Alexander had ag'feed to mc-d"uite with 
Span for tiie recognition of her coloiiits, I was inspired 
with admiration at, andg^ratiludefur, s uh mapfnanimitv — 
that the head of the Holy All ance, the dt-fender and 
protector of the rights of kings, s'lould become a medi- 
ator ill favor of Republics, was extraordinary and unex- 
pected, and an indication of real greatness. 1 listened, 
therefore, with intens interest for his declaration to 
that effect. The letter of Cou t Ncsseh'ode was re.ad — 
this was a polite, but frank re us il. From the- n ex de- 
spatch we expected to hear tliat the Emperor had chting- 
ed hismiiid — but, this was all. [Here Mr. H. read'-'ount 
Nesselrode's letter of the 20th August, 1825.] 1 had 
previously learned that the condition, not the indcpen- 
denc'' of the Spanish Americas, had been discn.ssv^d ia 
the European Congress; thattlie M.xican Legation had 
been orde-ed lo leave Spain — that Government refusing 
to hear the subject of their independence even discuss- 
ed; and with this information, and this letter before iiim, 
how "any man could have been led to believe that tliis 
document was an agreement of the Emperor to medi- 
ate for this recognition by Spain, was to me utterly as- 
tonishing. But it is more extraordinary still, if we sup- 
pose that the Secretary had, at the time of the first mes' 
sage, the pai^ers from Mr. Everett afterwards sent us. 
These go to establish, unequivocall)^ the determination 
of Russia not to mediate, and of Spain not to recognize 
the independence of her colonies, on any consideration. 
That Mr. Middleton should have been deceived, I could 
read ly suppose; he is much more distinguished fof his 
honesty and goodness of heart, than for his political or 
diplomatic wisdom, or experience; and it is not sin 
gular that his wishes should get the better of his 
judgment. But how the adroit Secretary could have 
thus deluded himse f, is past conjecture. The stu- 
pid and infatuated Spanish Monarch is firmly and con- 
fidf^ntly relying on Oivine Providence to give him 
back his colonies, without any exertion of his own — 
that Providence who cares, probably, less for him than 
for the "sparrow t'lat falls to the ground," and who will 
interfere, if at all, "to break the rod of the oppressor 
and let the oppressed go free." 

I need only call the recollection of gentlemen to Spanish 
history to prove that this obstinacy and perseverance is 
characteristic of that nation Portugal, after having been 
sixty years subject to Spain, in 1646,revoUed, and, under 
the Braganzas, drove the Spaniards from their country. 
¥oii well recollect how long Spain struggled to reconquer 



Hi 

that then gallant People ; she peisevered against reksor.. 
and hoped against hope. The united provinces were 
subject to Spain. They were the carriers for all Europe; 
from Lsbon, the depot of the wealth of the East, and 
Cadiz, the depot of that of the West, they transported 
to, and supplied,al! the North of Europe. Antwerp was 
the most commercial city in the world. In 1570, the 
the Hollanders revolted. Spain was then to Europe 
what Russia is now. The power established by Charles 
the Fifth, was in its strength and vigor. These re- 
volted provinces, however, maintained the struggle, un- 
der every disadvantage, but with wonderful' success. 
In ten years after the first revolt, they were excluded 
from Lisbon by the subjugation of Portugal to Spain, 
and in five years after, their beautiful Antwerp was 
.sacked and ruined by ti)at monster the Duke of Parma ; 
but amid these reverses and misforUmes, they maintain- 
ed the war. Amsterdam rose on the ruins of Antwerp. 
Driven from Lisbon and ''adiz, they sought the com- 
merce of the East and West Indies at its sources; and 
the colonies of Spain and Portugal in tiie remotest parts 
of the world felt their power, and were subjected by 
their arms. After a vindictive and cruel war of near 
forty years, Spain was compelled to agree to a truce for 
twelve years. The truce was violated before it had ex- 
pired; the war was renewed; and Spain again experienced 
everywhere disaster and defeat. Her rich galleons 
were captured; her fletts were defeated in repeated 
conflicts; her Armada was destroved, eveninthe Downs; 
and,, though beaten, weakened, humbled, and on the 
bri k of ruin, it was not until the peace of Westphalia, 
in 1648, tiiat she consented to acknowledge the Inde- 
pendence of these Provinces. The character of Spain 
is not changed, and in modern times you have witnessed 
the sume persevering obstinacy against one of the most 
powf-rfiil and successful conquerors the world ever saw. 
And with these facts before us, how comes it to pass, 
that we are encouraging these Americans, that Spain is 
disposed to acknowledge their Independence, and that 
when her infatuated monarch says, emphatically, JVo, he 
undoubtedly means ^s ? And what has been the effect 
of this delusive hope which we have inspired ? The 
Spanish Americans have been deterred from striking 
Spain in her most vulnerable part, and the only one 
within striking distance, and Cuba and Porto Rico are 
so strengthened that they may probably now bid de- 
fiance to the united efforts of the Spanish American na- 
tions. This is one of the blessed effects of officiouslv 



17 

intermeddUng in affairs of our neighbors. But this is 
not tlie onl)- effcjct of this officious friendship. In 
pressing this hopeless intermediation of the Emperor 
Alexander we have dropped a word, which, if fairly 
understood by the crafty Nesselrode, may justly give 
g;reat offence to these our friends. We are, it seems, to use 
our influence *' in defeating, as far as may be in ourpow- 
er,every interference against thoselslands in securing the 
rights of his Catholic Majesty constant and proper re- 
spect, and in maintaining the only state of things that 
can preserve a just balance of power in the sea of the 
Antilles." 

Add to this, that we are to intermeddle with their re- 
ligion. On this subject the President is very explicit — 
"There is" (he says) "another subject, upon which,with- 
out entering into any treaty, the moral influence of the 
United States may, perhaps, be exerted with beneficial 
consequence at such a meeting — the advancement of re- 
ligious liberty. Some of the Southern nations are even 
yet so far under the dominion of prejudice that they 
have incorporated, tvith their political constitutions, an 
exclusive church, without toleration of any other than 
the dominant sect. The abandonment of this last 
badge of religious bigotry and oppression may be press- 
ed more effectually,by the united exertions of those who 
concur in the principles of freedom of conscience, upon 
those who are yet to be convinced of tlieir justice and 
wisdom, than by the solitary efforts of a minister to any 
one of the separate Governments." We then are to 
exert our influence there to induce an abandonment of 
this last badge of religious bigotry and oppression — an 
exclusive and intolerant church, which some have in- 
corporated with their political institutions. How any 
one could suppose or even dream that such an object 
could be accomplished, when these nations have ex- 
pressly stipulated that this Congress shall do nothing 
which shall " interrupt the establishment and form of their 
respective Govertiments" is, indeed, difficult to con- 
ceive. It is true that Mexico has incorporated these ob- 
noxious principles in her Federal Constitution, and it is 
equally true, that her Government cannot, and much 
less can this Congress, alter that Constitution and ex- 
punge them. 

An interference in this most delicate of all subjects, '' 
would be as impolitic as unfriendly. The intelligent 
men of Mexico would have gladly rejected this constitu- 
tional provision, but they were obliged to concede it as 
the price of their independence. No People on earth 
g* 



18 

are more devoted to their relig'ion tlian Catholic3 — none 
are under more absolute control of their priests. With- 
out conciliating the People and their priests, their Re- 
volution could never have been effected. The smallest 
attempt to touch them in this tender point might even 
produce a counter-Revolution. If we look at home, we 
may learn that we were obliged to countenance the same 
intolerant spirit to effect oiir Revolution. In an address 
of Congress we urged as one of our complaints against 
the British King, his toleration of the French Catholics 
in Canada, and by the Constitution of Massachusetts, an 
oath ot abjuration was required, which went to exclude 
Catholics from every office. When a People is strug- 
gling for independence, politicians are obliged to yield 
to narrow, illiberal, popular prejudices, which they con- 
demn.and leave it to time and the progress of intelligence 
to work the cure. 

Our dear friends, the Spanish Americans, might well 
expostulate and complain thus : *' You advised us to re< 
frain from an invasion of C»ba, lest it should prevent 
the mediation of Russia. We did refrain ; Spain has 
gained time and recovered strength, and the mediation 
is all a delusion." What would be your answer ? " Mr. 
Clay is ihe champion of your cause, and he believed aa 
he wished. Like a gentleman in love — he pressed his 
suit With all the eagerness of a distracted lover ; the 
lady could not en ourage his addre<>ses, but she was too 
good and loo candid to deceive or c quette him. She 
determined to give him a frank, un quivocal refusal ; 
but in such a manner, haviiig respect for his merits, as 
notto wound his feelings. S'le did so, and the refusal 
was so kind, that the fond foolish lover thought she had 
relented, and would not take no o- an answer." This 
apology TM/g-At satisfy them. ' But !;ow does it happen 
that your government is to defeat, as far as i7i its power, 
every enterprise of ours against Cubn and Porio Rico ?" 
"Oh, we mean no such thing ; the cunning Ktissian has 
misquoted and circumvented us." "But you. it seem-, 
hav: come to modify our rehg^on. Th s is the uiiiind- 
est cut of ail. Onr People con-ideryou as h'^niics, dis- 
senters, and apostates from the true faith. Le this part of 
your mission be known, let it be understood that our 
holy rehgion is in danger ; a storm will be raised that 
nothing can withstand, and we who invite! you will be 
the first vic'ims ol its fury The pr esis will s imd the 
alarm; it will reach the ears of e^try oiou;- masi : ihe 
standard of Ftrdinaud, •'his most faithful Mxj bt>," will 
be raised, and a counter-revolution be achieved in not 



19 

so many months, as we were years in accomnlishing' aur 
independence." I suppose their answer t-.. this i xpostu- 
lation would be, that this was only a bait to catch the 
pious, and make the measure popular ht re. 

The course we have pursued and ought to pursue in 
regard to Cuba, is matter of much perplexity. A dark 
cloud hangs over that Island, and bears a threatening as- 
pect -which way it will pass over, where it will burst, 
or whether it wiil burst at all, no mortal can predict. — 
Suppose the worst — an insurrection of the slaves, a 
servile war — can you, ought you, to interfere ? Which 
side would you take ? Against the insurgents .' My life 
for it, you could not maintain such a war — public opin- 
ion would not sustain you. A war out of the limits of the 
U. States, a foreign war, to reduce men to servitude! Not 
an arm and scarcely a voice north of the Potomac, would 
be raised in your behalf. An administration who should 
attempt it, would seal its own destruction. No, Sir, the 
liberal and discreet politicians of the North, sympathise 
with their brethren of the slave-holding States. Our 
maxim is.that it is an evil, which we cannot remedy.The 
only relief we can give them, is to let them manage it them- 
selves, and that any interference on our part will make 
it worse. But beyond this we will not go. To send 
our troops, the sons of freemen, to a foreign country, to 
be the victims of the sword and the pestilence, for the 
purpose of suppresing an insurrection of the slaves, is a 
measure against which we shall ever protest — ^to which 
we shall never submit. We could not if we would — the 
apostles of liberty, the advocates of universal emancipa- 
tion would cry aloud,and denounce this war in favor of sla- 
very ! Their voices would be hearc!, even in the humble 
habitation of the slave, and you would soon find it neces- 
sary to withdraw your army to preserve peace at home. 
So much for the North. I now ask the gentlemen ofthe 
South whethe]', if it is only intended to discuss the con- 
dition of Cuba, Panama is the proper place. You have 
already said too much fl^ainsf emancipation. By pro- 
voking a discussion you increase the evil you attempt to 
remedy. On this subject your wisest policy is to say 
but little. But if you will speak, let it not be on the 
house top. To this extraordinary Congress the eyes of 
the world are turned. Its objects, ils deliberations, its 
determinations, are matters of imiversal interest Let it 
be known that the rights of the slaves of Cuba are to be 
discussed there, and every philanthrophist and fanatic in 
Europe will be on the alert — tli ir voices will be respond- 
ed from the American continent— the blacks will take 



20 

fire, and the scenes of St. Damingo will be re-acted at 
home. No, let me repeat, when you cannot see where 
to go nor what to do, stand still and do nothing. And 
wherein is the justice otyour interference ? You go 
there as invited friends, and on a subject most of all im- 
portant, you oppose them. So far as regards Spanish Ame- 
rica, leave Cuba to its fate. These nations will, as they 
hare told you, go in aid of the Creole population, and 
surely it would be a miserable aid indeed to let loose the 
slave upon his master. Your interference, in any way, 
will be an injury to them, if not a curse to your country. 

And what good reason can induce you to unite in 
settling the political condition of Hayti ? Are you not 
now satisfied with its condition ? If your political rela- 
tions are not sufficiently close, it is your own fault : for 
Hayci has always been solicitous for a closer union. You 
need not surely send to Panama to determine what are 
your own wishes. Nor need you fear what will be the 
determination of that Congress, in regard to that Island. 
When France, as you supposed, had acknowledged its 
independence, you felt no alarm, and why should yoH 
fear if the Spanish Americans should do the same ? But 
the gentleman from Louisiana insinuates, that, if the 
Haytiens should ever be represented at Washington, 
their minister or agent must be a ivhite man. Now, if it 
is really a question of sufficient importance, to determine 
whether he should be black, yellow or white, Panama is 
the last place in the world where I should go to settle it. 
When our fresh and fair ministers shall enter the Hall 
of that Congress, and look round it on their associates, 
I apprehend that they will deem it invidious and indeli- 
cate to talk about color. If you or I sir, had been select- 
ed for this mission, or some of my friends who sit round 
me, or some of those on the other side o the way, we 
might have discussed a question of complexion with a 
much better grace- But as it is, I am inclined to beheve 
w had better leave it to the United States and Hayti 
to determine it themselves. 

But, ii seems, the law of nations is to be re-enacted, 
or modified ; the list of contraband is to oe limited ; 
blockades are to be defined, and free ships are to make 
free goods — and to do all this, we must be represented 
at this Congress. Are these doctrines of ours at this 
time in peculiar jeopardy ? Aie we any where threaten- 
ed with a resistance to the principles which we have 
endpavored to mauiiain ? Do any of these nations ob- 
ject to our maxims of policy on any of the e subjects ? 
With France, Holland, Spain, Prussia, Denmark, and 



21 

Sweden, we have, by Treaty, adjusted these points to 
ourown saiisfaction. With Uuss'iawf have no treaty, yet 
wc know her views to be coincldput with ours, in n-pard 
to 'hem all. You well recollect that, in 1780 or 1781, 
while France, Holland, Spain, and the XJmred States, 
were at war with England, Russia was principal in form- 
ing what I think was called by some •■ the qua«lruple al- 
liance," but generally, the " armed neutrality." Look 
at the manifesto of those powers on that occasion, and 
you will find their doctrines of contraband, blockade, 
and giving the character of the goods to the ship, in 
perfect agr>;ement with our own. And is there the 
least ground of fear that these Spanish Americans 
wi!) resist these principles ? Our marine strength is far 
Superior to all theirs combined, and these principles for 
which we contend, are always concessions of the strong- 
er I o the weaker state. This is the reason why Eng- 
land will never yield them. These nations, now at war 
with Spain, might be disposed to search for enemics- 
gowds, on board of the ships of a weak or inconsidera- 
ble neutral, but knowing the strength of our navy, 
they never would venture on such an experiment upon 
\iB, and they never have done it. The reason is mani- 
fest. By our treaty with Spain, we can carry the goods 
of a Spanish American, without molestation from Spa- 
nish cruisers ; and, consequently, these Spanish Ameri- 
cans ought not to molest us, if we do the same for a sub- 
ject of Spain, and they do not molest us. In the trea- 
ties with them already made, this has never been a point 
of difficulty, and never will be ; they will always con- 
sider it a concession made to the^n. 

As to a reciprocity in commerce, that, when we have 
negotiated, has been conceded without difficulty, except 
with Mexico, and it is understood that, with her, the 
point is, at length, adjusted ; and, if we were to encoun- 
ter a question of that sort, it had much better be done 
with each, individually, without danger of a combination 
of interests against us. 

The Slave Trade has been mentioned as a subject to 
come under the deliberations of this Congress, and we 
have had a pretty smart rebuke from Mr. Salazar for not 
ratifying the Colombian convention. This subject I think 
I understand, and I might occupy a day in its discussion; 
yet, from the limits I have prescribed to myself, I can 
scarcely afford it five minutes, ^luffice it, then, to say.that 
however 1 detest this traffic, whatever '"rce, and at what- 
ever expense,! would employ to suppress it,I never would 
concede the right of search to any nation under Heaven >, 




2:2 

HOP would F, for any considerafioni whether of humaniiy 
or policy, permit an officer of a foreig'n government to 
arrest au'l hold for t ial a ciiizen of the Uuiled Status, "n 
his suspicion that such citizen had commiUed a crime 
agfainst our own laws. If, however, this Congress is, by 
declaration or manifesto, to declare this traffic piracy 
i^/^c Ztiwo/" na/«o«5, and such declaration or manifesto, 
not b -ing a treaty, could not be submitted to the deter- 
mination of the Senate, the result, as to us, will be the 
same as if we had es'ablished the principle by treaty. If 
the other parties receive i^ as law, and ait upon it as in- 
ternational law, your citizens rill b subject to search, 
arrest trial, and punishment, by f )reigneis, for a crime, 
strictly municipal, without tri.il by jury, or any of the 
securities guarantied by the • onstitution. In this way, 
municipal m iv be converted into national law, not only 
by the treaty. making power, but by the President alone, 
without the intervention eve'i of the Senate, and tlie 
Executive of this country would acquire a legis'ative 
power without limit and above control. However up- 
right he may be, the genius of the Government will not 
permit any man to wield such a power. Was I not, thew, 
right, in stating that we were acting in the dark ? And 13 
it not equally true, that we ar>j taking a step which we 
can never retrace ? Sir, you are on dangerous,untrodden 
ground — you are approaching the brink of a precipice — 
the ground trembles beneath your f^et — advance one 
step, and you may plunge into the abyss, and be lost 
forever. 



UDi-inriT ur uurNtjr-icaa 



015 848 869 3 









u 



